When you are doing business half way around the world, certain problems of putting successful deals together and managing people and operations become magnified. Communication is made more difficult as people grasp for understanding in a second language or concepts become lost in
translation. Cultural nuance becomes a trap for the uninitiated. And your ability to gain critical information from and to supervise the activities of sales agents / distributors / JV partners / operations managers becomes exponentially more difficult.
The one viable solution to these problems is to take the time to develop a relationship based on genuine mutual understanding and trust with your foreign business colleagues. Unfortunately this requires patience, a quality frequently in short supply in the fast paced world of the information economy, particularly for American business people used to closing the deal. The problem is at times further complicated for Americans delving into international commerce for the first time by a certain ethnocentric view of our inherent likability and trust-worthiness. While there is more often a healthy concern for whether we can trust our foreign would-be business partners, short shrift is given to whether they can trust us -- and that is an unfortunate mistake which leads to problems down the road and can undermine the ultimate success of the venture.
So what's not to trust -- after all, we are model business people used to operating in the world's most successful economy. Our foreign contacts should be prepared to emulate us, not treat us with
suspicion -- no? Like it or not, many people abroad, including many business people in our allied states, have a love-hate relationship with America. We may be envied or revered, but also frequently feared for our aggressiveness and suspected for our motives.
One principle of good business that I've always been a firm believer in is that you cannot afford to listen to only affirming opinions. To be successful, you must make a genuine effort to hear and understand discordant information. It is in this light that I recently added a new book to my "must read" list -- Failed States by Noam Chomsky.
Professor Chomsky's book may not be an obvious choice for a "must read" in international business. For one, he is a professor of linguistics and philosophy at MIT and his work is generally more in the realm of political science and foreign policy than international business. Second, he is not without controversy. Among other things, he has the distinction of being profiled in David Horowitz's recent book "The ProFessors -- The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America", although even Horowitz (the self-anointed arbiter of the western intellectual canon) acknowledges that Professor Chomsky is among the most cited living authors and quotes, among other sources, a New Yorker profile in which Chomsky is called "one of the greatest minds of the 20th century" (profile by Lavissa MacFarquhar, March 31, 2003). Perhaps the greatest homage to Professor Chomsky in this internet age is that there is a Wikipedia article devoted to him and his work.
More to the point of this post, as Horowitz states, "[Chomsky's] following has grown, particularly in Europe and Asia, where his views have helped inform an inchoate anti-Americanism" (The ProFessors p. 87). I'm not so certain that one can attribute anti-Americanism abroad to Professor Chomsky as much as to the
perception of some of our government's foreign policies -- I've certainly never had anyone in Europe or Asia cite Chomsky as the basis for their concerns with America's place in the international arena. But the point is that the mistrust and suspicion are real and widespread.
At the risk of over-simplification, the central thesis in Professor Chomsky's book is that the United States itself resembles many of the rogue nations that it has deemed to be "failed states" in that (1) it frequently disregards or unilaterally abrogates well established principles of international law and norms of conduct; (2) it has an uneven record with regard to democracy and freedom abroad in that it has often propped up ruthless tyrants when it suits its self interest better than the popularly supported alternative; and (3) policies are adopted and acted on which contravene the popular will, suggesting a systemic erosion of democratic institutions at home as well.
Now one can easily disagree with the professor's opinions and conclusions -- I for one disagree with his extension of his thesis to condemn the globalization of commerce or his seemingly gratuitous
criticisms of free trade agreements such as NAFTA. But the book is very well written and copiously annotated with references to source materials such that a reader should at least come away understanding that his arguments have a rational foundation and appreciating how people in other countries could view America with fear and suspicion, even if we continue to be live that it is the result of a misinterpretation of our true intentions.
The good news is that business people the world over share a certain understanding of principles and language related to sales, velocity, profitability and their impact on the opportunity to improve one's standard of living. Accordingly, it seems usually to be the case that common ground can be forged and a mutuality of respect and trust established in the context of a commercial transaction
which transcends the acrimony created between our governments and their politics. But when you go abroad in search of that common ground that will lead to success in the global marketplace, know what baggage you carry with you lest you get derailed by unspoken suspicions or hidden agenda.
(Attribution Note: The Rumsfeld cartoon appeared in Vol. 16, No. 5 May 2003 issue of Z e-magazine accompanying an interview of Noam Chomsky by V.K. Ramachandran entitled "Iraq is a Trial Run".)